The Crabb Affair: The Missing Frogman

In 1956, the Cold War was in its first phase - the USSR had successfully tested a series of nuclear weapons, the berlin blockade of 1948-49 sowed distrust and hostility on both sides, and the death of Stalin only three earlier had caused confusion and chaos in diplomatic relations between the West and the USSR. In this atmosphere, a World War 2 Royal Navy veteran and professional scuba diver employed by MI6, Lionel Crabb, disappeared off the coast of England, leaving behind more questions than answers and a riveting cold war mystery to this day.

Lionel “Buster” Crabb, born in 1909 London, started serving at sea at a young age, holding several positions with the Merchant Navy and the Royal Navy Reserve in the years prior to World War 2. With the outbreak of war, he transitioned to active duty in the Royal Navy, originally disarming Axis mines removed by British divers, or “frogmen.” After some time in this role, he learned to dive and joined a team of underwater mine clearers in Gibraltar. These divers were focused on counteracting mines, manned torpedoes, and diver attacks by the Italians. In 1942, two Italian frogmen were killed by the British and their Italian made equipment was taken and then used by Crabb (this will feature later). Later in the war, he served in Italy where he worked to remove mines in various Italian ports, and investigated the mysterious death of a Polish general whose aircraft crashed into the water. In the years following the war, he served in Palestine where he removed mines from several harbors, eventually leaving the navy in 1947, becoming a civilian wreck diver. In his capacity as a wreck diver, he dove on various sites including a Spanish galleon from the famous 1588 Armada before returning to the Navy to dive on Royal Navy submarine wrecks to search for any signs of life, finding none in both cases and in 1955 was retired from the navy due to his age and health. Crabb had been a lifelong smoker and heavy drinker and by this time, both habits began to affect his health. He was recruited by MI6 to conduct secret dives focusing on examining and investigating Soviet ships after his retirement.

In 1956, the Soviet cruiser Ordzhonikidze arrived in Britain carrying Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev. This ship intrigued the British who wanted to know more about the design and capabilities of the Soviet Navy’s vessels. MI6 deployed Crabb on 19 April to dive in Portsmouth Harbour and investigate the propeller of Ordzhonikidze, and this is the last anyone ever saw of Lionel Crabb. The British immediately covered up the vanishing of Crabb, releasing a statement that Crabb had gone missing and presumed dead after testing some new diving equipment. The Soviets cried foul, stating that their sailors reported seeing a diver by the cruiser on 19 April. The British sent a message to the Soviets elaborating that his testing of this equipment in Portsmouth Harbour was unauthorized, sticking to their public story. This cover up and scandal became known as the “Crabb Affair.” Prime Minister Anthony Eden was outraged at MI6, as he never authorized the mission on British domestic soil, which is usually reserved for MI5.

A body missing its head and hands, was recovered in June 1957. The body has never been positively identified as its decomposition (along with missing hands and head) due to the amount of time spent in the water, makes it difficult to ID even for those close to Crabb. The corpse, reported to be the same height as Crabb, and supposedly wearing an Italian Pirelli diving suit along with Royal Navy fins, was examined by Crabb’s wartime friend and later diving partner, along with his ex-wife, and girlfriend. All three failed to positively identify the corpse as Crabb. There are numerous theories we will explore on what happened to Crabb using declassified materials and statements from various Soviet sources.

The first theory is that Crabb’s smoking and drinking habits made him unfit for the mission and he died from either health issues exacerbated by the diving, or that he had catastrophic equipment failure, resulting in death by oxygen starvation or carbon dioxide poisoning. It is reported that Crabb died on his second dive near the ship, as he had to surface from his first dive due to equipment problems, lending some credence to this theory. This view is held by several diving experts and Crabb’s MI6 handler, Nicholas Elliot (side note: Elliot is famously tied to Kim Philby of the Cambridge Five).

The next explanation for Crabb’s disappearance we will explore is a combination of multiple theories involving the Soviets. There are various explanations given by former Soviet personnel that attempt to explain the vanishing of Crabb, the first of which states that he died under interrogation after capture. According to a former British double agent that spied for the Soviets, Crabb was captured by underwater sentries stationed to prevent the British from getting close to the cruiser, knocking Crabb unconscious after an underwater physical altercation. He was dragged onboard to receive medical treatment where he passed out again, eventually recovering enough to be interrogated. During this interrogation, he passed out a third time and died. The Soviets feared the diplomatic repercussions so they released his body in the water in way that it would be loose once the Soviet cruiser began to leave the harbour but it became tangled underwater, preventing its recovery until the next year. A former Soviet diver put forward another theory in 2007, stating that Crabb had been intercepted underwater by him and his oxygen line was cut in an altercation, leading to his death. A third Soviet theory put forward in the 90’s by a former Naval Intelligence Officer, states that Crabb was seen from the cruiser and shot by Soviet snipers.

Our last theory (and most far-fetched) is that Crabb survived his mission and either defected to the Soviets or was captured and “brainwashed.” This theory has several aspects to it, such as Crabb living under an assumed Russian name to train the Soviet’s frogmen, that he was held as a prisoner for years in a Soviet gulag before being brainwashed to train divers, or that he defected voluntarily and lived out his days in Russia.

Here at Seeking History, we believe that the most likely scenarios explaining Crabb’s vanishing is equipment or health failure during the dive. The former Soviets have a history of making claims regarding Cold War actions that don’t always line up with the historical evidence. While Lionel Crabb’s unfortunate disappearance in the early years of the Cold War is still a mystery and little closure to this case can be found, it’s a fascinating tale of Cold War espionage nonetheless. Documents related to the Crabb Affair will not released by the UK until 2056.

The 1953 Iranian Coup

You will often hear people dispute the importance of studying history, with detractors claiming that it is boring, it focuses on just “great men,” or that studying history means you live in the past and are ignorant of the present. But here at Seeking History, we believe that studying history helps unlock a greater understanding of our current world, and a prime example of this is to explore how a 1953 coup in Iran led to the Islamic hardline regime that is currently in place and has been since 1979. Operation Ajax or Operation Boot, a joint venture by the American CIA and the British SIS/MI6, targeted the government of Mohammad Mosaddegh and resulted in Mosaddegh’s ouster as Prime Minister of Iran, in favor of bolstering the Shah of Iran. This western sponsored and orchestrated coup is still resented by Iranians today as many believe it deprived them of a popular leader who could have changed or altered the path of Iran, with an Islamic revolution never occurring if he had not been removed. While Britain has never, and probably never will, admit it’s role in the Iranian coup, the United States publicly admitted to their role in 2023 for the first time.

              Iran, for most of its recent history, was a monarchial state with a king known as the Shah. While by the mid-20th century, most Iranians did not resent or regard the Shah with hostility, they were looking for a more modern Iran. Iran had strong ties to the West, and in return the West pumped large amounts of money into the country to ensure their economic interests and petroleum supply lines were protected and uninterrupted. Numerous companies sprouted in Iran as joint ventures between the Iranians and Western nations like Britain and the United States, leading to a sense amongst Iranians that the West was stealing or siphoning Iran’s natural wealth. One of these companies, the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (now known as BP), and its resistance to Iranian state oversight, became a core cause of the coup.

             The foundations of the coup were laid in the 1940s, when the British and Soviets invaded, and then subsequently occupied Iran during the Second World War to ensure a constant flow of petroleum for the war effort. In the process, the Shah, Reza Shah, was forced to abdicate in favor of his son, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. It is not conjecture to assume that Mohammad Reza, after witnessing the downfall of his father due to his resistance against the Allies, understood that he should hitch his fate to the wagon of Western power, and especially to the newly emergent power of the United States. In the wake of the war, and the eventual withdrawal of Anglo-Soviet forces in 1946, Reza began to radically change the culture of Iran, adopting western ideals and grandiose plans for a westernized Iran as a middle eastern industrial powerhouse that he began to implement through the 1940s and early 1950s. However, nationalists in Iran, whilst nominally backing the Shah, believed that Iran could only achieve this plan with a reduction of reliance on foreign investment and industry, with Iranian domestic industry filling the gap. Foreign investment, especially in the petroleum sector, had been prevalent in Iran since at least the early 20th century, when Britain dominated Iran’s oil industry through multi-national corporations and exclusivity contracts on Iranian oil. However, due to the contracts and these British corporations, Iranian domestic industry was severely lacking and uncompetitive. In order to quickly push Iranian domestic industry forward, a nationalist camp emerged that advocated for the nationalization and seizure of foreign companies operating in Iran, primarily focused on the petroleum industry.

               In 1949 an assassination attempt on the Shah’s life changed his outlook even further, he started to increase his involvement in politics, amending the constitution to increase his own power and creating a national Iranian senate, filling around half the seats with men sympathetic to the Shah’s goals. This power grab eroded public sympathy for the Shah, initially high in the wake of the assassination attempt, and created opposition to his new political interest. Many believed that he should rule in the style of a constitutional monarchy, reigning but having little direct control over the standard political process. A new political party emerged within the Senate, called the National Front, that adopted the ideals of nationalization of industry and increased industrial control by Iranians - not foreign investors or companies. The debate around the role of the Shah and the future of Iran’s oil created a dangerous and violent political process, culminating in the assassination of the Prime Minister, Haj Ali Razmara, in 1951. Razmara was against the nationalization desire and backed the Shah in his goal to westernize Iran, making him a target of hardline Islamists and nationalists. The National Front was able to secure enough votes to replace Razmara with Mohammad Mosaddegh, a widely popular politician who was heavily in favor of nationalization. Fadaiyan e-Islam, the hardline Islamic faction within Iran at the time and responsible for the assassination of Razmara, aligned themselves with Mosaddegh. The combination of the National Front of Mosaddegh and the Fadaiyan movement, caused widespread disruption in the Iranian political world. Mosaddegh was aiming to remove British and foreign investment, while the Fadaiyans used masses of religious zealots to attack those against nationalization and the National Front. Unlike the Fadaiyans and Mosaddegh, the Shah and Mosaddegh did not see eye to eye for three main reasons: Mosaddegh had ancestral ties to the previous ruling dynasty of Iran and considered the Shah to be a usurper of the Iranian throne, that Mosaddegh was too popular, and that Mosaddegh was a strong believer in the Shah ruling as a constitutional monarch, although both believed in an Iran that should be modern and progressive. This belief by Mosaddegh that Iran should be progressive and a secular state, led to a cooling of ties between the Fadaiyans and the National Front by 1952.

               Tensions came to a head in 1952 when Mosaddegh and the Shah began to fight over the Shah’s role in Iran. Mosaddegh used the National Front, and his popular support, to make blocking attempts at the Shah’s political power. Mosaddegh’s public support of oil nationalization (something the Shah also supported, but less aggressively) led to Mosaddegh becoming so popular amongst the people that the Shah was limited in his ability act against him or the United Front. The Shah learned this the hard way when he decided to fire Mosaddegh later in ’52, but was forced to quickly reinstate him after widespread public outrage.  

               With Mosaddegh’s power cemented, he took on the British and their control over Iran’s oil, demanding better contracts. In these new contracts, countries like the United States would receive a share of Iranian oil, reducing Britain’s share. Additionally Iran wished to divide profits by 50/50. Of course Britain resisted this measure with great gusto, even against the strong advisement by its ally, the United States. Realizing that Mosaddegh was becoming a legitimate challenge to British interest, they began planning to overthrow his government. Further negotiations between the British and Iranians, with the United States acting as a third party, ensued but those failed, and the British seized their main oil field (but not the refinery) from Iranian management, the Abadan Oil Fields, in response. The British then enacted an embargo of Iranian oil produced with the remaining refinery.

               Due to the effectiveness of the British embargo and the collapse of his support from the Fadaiyan (this occurred because the Mosaddegh was a firm believer in separation of church and state and resisted Fadaiyan pressure to pass more religiously hardline policies), Mosaddegh found himself in a challenging position. To shore up his support Mosaddegh entered into an unofficial alliance with the communist party of Iran, the Tudeh, replacing the Fadaiyan. With economic uncertainly and political turmoil enveloping Iran, Mosaddegh clung to power using emergency measures, generating even more controversy, and alienating political allies. The support from the communist party, Mosaddegh becoming more autocratic as his power waned, and the political upheaval began to cause the United States to worry that a communist takeover of Iran was possible. A further blow to Mosaddegh occurred in 1953 when supporters in parliament resigned in mass due to Mosaddegh leveraging emergency powers. In response, Mosaddegh passed a referendum to dissolve parliament and instead give him powers to make laws himself, causing an uproar and accusations of treason.

               The United States, up to this point, had actively resisted Britain’s persistence in bringing the US on board for a coup. President Truman had other concerns, namely the Korean War, but when Dwight D. Eisenhower took over the British were successfully able to convince the United States that a communist takeover was possible and that the Soviets were really behind this push for nationalization of Iran’s oil industry. While this claim was mostly false, it played on the growing American fears of a Soviet controlled world. HThe US took over from Britain as the chief planner of the coup and approached the Shah for his support. Initially, he was reluctant, but was convinced when the CIA informed him that he would also be removed from power if he did not back their efforts. The CIA representative who handled most of the communication and conversations with the Shah was the grandson of former President Theodore Roosevelt, Kermit Roosevelt Jr. Roosevelt was instrumental in convincing the Shah to back the plan and for him to issue royal directives, or firmans, to start the coup, and cultivated a large network of military and civilian supporters for the Shah.

               Now that MI6 and CIA had the backing of the Shah, selection for a replacement for Mosaddegh began, landing on General Fazlollah Zahedi. Zahedi being a loyalist to the Shah and having support of the army made him a natural choice. The plan drawn up would unfold like this, due to Mosaddegh’s dismissal of Parliament, the Shah would issue a royal decree firing Mosaddegh and replacing him with Zahedi, using the army to block any dissent. The Shah and his wife left to go on “vacation” in northern Iran in anticipation of the coup. The coup was approved by Eisenhower and set to commence in mid-august. On August 15th, when the commander of the imperial guard arrived to inform Mosaddegh that he was being dismissed, Mosaddegh, who had advanced knowledge about the coup, ordered the commander arrested. Mosaddegh’s supporters, upon hearing the news, took the streets to protest the army’s actions, resulting in mass demonstrations. Fearing an overthrow in the wake of the Mosaddegh’s defiance of the dismissal order, the Shah and his wife fled to Baghdad then to Italy. Meanwhile a standoff occurred between Zahedi and Mosaddegh, with each side attempting to order the arrest of the other and claiming to be the rightful prime minister, with Mosaddegh succeeding in arresting dozens of coup plotters. Mosaddegh, believing the coup to have failed, ordered his supporters to head home and the CIA to leave the country. However, Roosevelt received the order to leave well after it was delivered, likely slowed by MI6, and went to work to plan a second coup to quickly follow the first.

               Four days after the first coup failed, Zahedi was still on the run but popular opinion began to turn against Mosaddegh due to his banning of all demonstrations, arrest of political opponents, and his lean into autocratic tendencies. Fears of communism also spurred upper class Iranians to turn against him and religious fundamentalists rallied in defiance of his rule. Large street demonstrations began (likely first organized by the CIA) that turned into street fighting between the Tudeh and anti-Mosaddegh supporters. More and more citizens took to the streets against Mosaddegh, believing rumors that he was attempting to seize the throne (also likely spread by the CIA), and armed themselves against the Tudeh and Mosaddegh supporters. Zahedi, ordered the parts of the army still loyal to him to leave their barracks and put an end to the chaos. The army stormed Tehran, drove off the Tudeh, seized government buildings, and secured Mosaddegh’s arrest after firing a tank shell into his home that forced him to come out. Upon hearing the success of the second coup, the Shah returned from Rome (with the director of the CIA, Allen Dulles, on his plane) and Zahedi took his position as prime minister.

               Mosaddegh was tried and sentenced to death but had his sentence commuted to prison then house arrest for the rest of his life. In the aftermath of the successful coup, the United States (and Iran) agreed to restore the status of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company and reverse its nationalization but also broke their monopoly in favor of American and French oil companies, along with Shell Corporation. The tactics that Kermit Roosevelt Jr and other CIA operatives used to launch the second coup would be replicated in other countries where the United States had interests. Resentment of American influence over the country and the Shah grew in the coup’s wake culminating in a difficult 1970s for the Shah. Nearly thirty years after Mosaddegh’s removal, the Fadaiyan movement’s successors would launch the 1979 Islamic revolution and one of the core tenants of the revolution would be reversing the “damage” of foreign and American interference of Iran’s internal affairs, namely the support for the Shah and meddling in Iran’s political process, partly referring to Mosaddegh’s ouster. Mosaddegh, while controversial during his tenure as Prime Minister of Iran, has become a symbol of Iranian democracy, even to this day.

The U-2 and the 1960 Shooting Down of Francis Gary Powers

In the wake of The Second World War, the alliance between the United States and the Soviet Union quickly fell apart, leading to tension and mistrust. This tension and mistrust developed into outright hostility by the close of the 1940s, with the world’s two superpowers locked into a struggle for world dominance and influence known as the Cold War. Due to the concept of MAD (mutually assured destruction) the two powers undertook actions to gain an edge on one another in the event an actual “hot” war broke out but resisted direct confrontation. These actions included the heavy use of spies, supplying sympathetic governments and groups to curry favor, launching coups in neutral countries to topple governments siding with one power over the other, and the use of surveillance activities. While direct confrontation was avoided, this doesn’t mean it did not happen at all, with Soviets and Americans having direct interactions throughout the Cold War. One of these direct confrontations involved the United States losing a pilot deep into Soviet airspace. This article details that incident and the plane involved.

               The Soviets tested their first atomic weapon in 1949 and from then on, the Cold War began in earnest. In the 1950s, the United States was desperate to gain an edge on their new nuclear armed rival, especially hoping to determine where the Soviets were stashing their missiles. To try to locate these launch sites in an era before satellite imagery, the only option (other than running spies directly in Moscow) that was viable involved the use of surveillance flights directly over Soviet territory. But flying a plane into the airspace of another state could be seen as an act of aggression, so the United States had to find a way to undertake these flights but not get caught in the process. Surveillance flights had proven their worth during the Second World War, with camera equipped bombers flying thousands of flights over enemy territory to take pictures and establish locations for aerial, artillery, and ground targets, as well as determining capability and layout of defenses. However, these planes were often vulnerable to anti-aircraft fire, suffering losses of personnel and valuable equipment. With the creation and adoption of anti-aircraft surface to air missiles and jet engine fighter planes, the risk for a bomber or other slow flying aircraft to fly surveillance missions was even higher. In fact, in 1958, the United States suffered the loss of a US Air Force (USAF) C-130 reconnaissance plane over Soviet controlled Armenia when the Soviets attacked and shot down the aircraft after it strayed into their airspace at 25,000 feet. The attack resulted in the loss of 17 USAF airmen, although the Soviets denied attacking the plane and claimed that it “fell” on their territory. In order to avoid a similar incident, the United States employed a new plane, the Lockheed U-2. The U-2, a single seater jet but with glider like wings, could fly at an altitude of 70,000 feet at nearly 500 mph, enabling it to avoid the most advanced Soviet fighter jets and put it out of theoretical range of surface to air missiles (SAMs).

               During the testing process, several USAF fighter pilots were selected as test pilots along with some foreign expat pilots from Greece and Poland. However, by the end of the testing period, only the American pilots were left due to language issues and flying experience. Once the adoption of the U-2 in 1956 was complete, the United States was still wary of flying military personnel over a peer adversary and President Eisenhower was adamant that civilian CIA pilots be the ones to crew the aircraft. This meant the pilots originally selected to fly the U-2 had to resign their military commissions and become civilian pilots under CIA’s purview. Eisenhower, after being shown that the U-2 was flight worthy and capable of recon flights, originally authorized 10 flights under the belief (as told to him by his intelligence community, or the IC) that the high altitude of the U-2 meant the plane would not be detectable by Soviet radar. Some live test flights occurred over East Germany and Poland, then controlled by the Soviets, and while the U-2 flights were visible to Soviet radar, the Soviets could not track the plane continuously. With the knowledge that the Soviets could track the U-2 and Eisenhower worrying that penetrating Soviet airspace could spark a war, he cancelled further flights. Finally, after successful flights in the Middle East, Eisenhower approved direct overflights of Soviet territory for reconnaissance. These flights would continue into 1960, even after CIA and other IC organizations, were aware that Soviet SAM technology had developed enough to potentially hit the U-2, even at 70,000 feet. In all, Eisenhower approved 24 “deep penetration” flights into Soviet territory to take pictures of missile sites, bomber and aircraft locations, military installations, and important industrial sites.

               Eisenhower approved one last Soviet overflight in the spring of 1960, and the most experienced U-2 pilot, Francis Gary Powers was selected. The flight was to start from Pakistan and fly over modern-day Kazakhstan and Russia, with a landing in Norway. This would be the first flight to fly over the Soviet Union, photographing cities and sensitive sites along the way, and exiting Soviet airspace over a “neutral” country. Previous flights that penetrated Soviet airspace exited from nearly the same point as entry. On May 1, 1960, Powers was shot down at 70,500 feet over Soviet airspace, after Soviet SAMs detonated directly behind his aircraft. CIA and USAF technicians believed that surviving a shoot down incident at 70,000 feet to be impossible, even with a safe ejection and the aid of the astronaut-looking flight suit that U-2 pilots wore, however Powers survived, and he and the U-2 were captured relatively intact. Some individuals and agencies within the United States IC did not fully believe Power’s version of events on how he was shot down, as detailed above. There are still classified reports that indicate the U-2 may have descended from 70,000 feet to as slow as 35,000 feet before being downed, but the official version of events follows Power’s account. This would go on to complicate the United States’ response to a later prisoner exchange for Powers, as some believed he may have attempted to defect or at the very least was not being truthful about his capture.

               The shootdown of a U-2 was a total disaster for American aerial spying efforts. At first, four days after Powers was downed, the US explained that the plane was a NASA high altitude weather plane that had been lost over Turkey. Further, the Americans were prepared with a plan to say the pilot drifted, unconscious, into Soviet territory. The Americans even went to the efforts of showcasing a U-2 painted in NASA colors to bolster the story. The US then repeated this story until Nikita Khrushchev revealed a spy plane had been captured but did not let on that Powers had been captured, had admitted to spying on the Soviets, and the true nature of the U-2, allowing the Americans to further tell their false story. Finally, on May 7th, Khrushchev revealed the information that Powers was alive and in Soviet custody, and released pictures of the crashed U-2, exposing Eisenhower’s NASA story as a cover up. This revelation severely embarrassed the Eisenhower administration and caused a crisis both domestically in the US and abroad, with Eisenhower even considering resigning from the American Presidency. Due to the involvement of Norway and Pakistan, they also received pressure and public relations issues from the Soviets. Khrushchev even threated to drop a nuclear bomb on Peshawar, Pakistan, due to its alliance and assistance to the Americans regarding the U-2.

               Francis Gary Powers did admit to his mission and the purpose of penetrating Soviet airspace, but this was per his instructions in the event of a shootdown incident, although he attempted to limit the information that he gave his Soviet captors. He pled guilty to espionage in a Soviet court and was sentenced to nine years of hard labor. The US media portrayed Powers as a hero until learning that he admitted to his mission, pivoting to accusing him of cowardice and undermining US foreign policy. He was further accused of dereliction of duty for not destroying the U-2’s camera equipment, the plane itself, its classified equipment, and even for not killing himself with his cyanide poison device supplied to him by his CIA bosses. Powers would go on to serve nearly two years in a Soviet prison before being exchanged for William Fisher, a captured Soviet spy being held by the Americans. However, after extensive debriefs and congressional hearings, the belief of the US government changed and Powers was cleared of wrong doing and held up as courageous pilot who did his duty to his country.

               The U-2 spy plane program continued to be used by the United States but without direct flights over Soviet territory, although another U-2 spy plane was shot down during the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962 in use while photographing Soviet missiles on the island. The U-2 is actually actively flown by the United States and several allied nations such as the UK and Taiwan today, and saw extensive use throughout Cold War conflicts like Vietnam. Francis Gary Powers subsequently worked as a helicopter pilot for a Los Angeles news station, tragically dying in a helicopter crash in 1977 while on the job.